Aetius Attila’s Nemesis Read online

  Although the betrothal doubtless annoyed Valentinian, for other members of the court the idea was anathema. The army was already totally dominated by Aetius, who used his military position to control Valentinian. If Gaudentius was betrothed and married to Placidia then Aetius’ domination would continue long into the future. Opposition to Aetius began to grow.

  Doubtless Eudoxia and Valentinian encouraged such opposition to neutralize Aetius. He had by now been in command of the army for twenty years and as a result his supporters had received the lion’s share of the important political and military commands. Furthermore, his health still seemed to be good and there appeared to be no end to his domination. Opposition grew.

  Paradoxically, the collapse of the Hunnic empire also weakened Aetius politically. Earlier, he had been supported by the Huns. From the late 440s his skills as a general and his knowledge of the ‘barbarian’ way of thought had helped to maintain his dominant position in the face of the barbarian threat. Now, with the Huns removed, Aetius was seen as no longer critical to Valentinian’s survival.33

  As a result, two major political figures at court began to intrigue against Aetius. The first of these was Petronius Maximus, a major political leader in the West. He had been consul in 433 and 443 and was created patricius at some time before 445.34 Yet despite having been Aetius’ supporter, it was clear that he would never become as powerful as Aetius.35 It may be that he hoped that when Valentinian died he would be a viable candidate for the throne. However, Gaudentius’ betrothal meant that Maximus would never accede to any greater power than he already wielded. Unhappy with this state of affairs, he began to cast his net for other like-minded individuals who were unhappy with Aetius’ dominance.

  He quickly found an accomplice. Heraclius, a eunuch and the primicerius sacri cubiculi (officer of the imperial bedchamber), was also unhappy with Aetius’ power, and so the two men began a conspiracy to overthrow him.36 Slowly, Heraclius was able to convince Valentinian that Aetius was using the betrothal as a means of overthrowing Valentinian himself.37

  The Death of Aetius

  Knowing that the army was supportive of Aetius, the conspirators decided that the only way for Valentinian to eliminate him was when he was unprotected by the troops. Accordingly, Valentinian and Heraclius decided that the best time would be when Aetius was in the palace to hold a planning meeting with Valentinian, since he was not allowed bodyguards in the presence of the emperor. On either 21 or 22 September 454 Aetius duly arrived at court and was in a planning meeting with Valentinian to discuss proposals to raise money when ‘with a shout Valentinian suddenly leaped up from his throne and cried out that he would no longer endure to be abused by such treacheries’38 before stabbing Aetius with his sword. Heraclius, who was nearby, withdrew a concealed cleaver and the two men, raining blows upon Aetius’ head, killed him.39 Shortly afterwards they also killed Boethius, the praefectus praetorio, an ally and friend of Aetius.40 A further number of Aetius’ supporters were also killed.41

  The bodies of the two men were displayed in the Forum whilst Valentinian called a meeting of the Senate and gave a speech denouncing Aetius and his close supporters. Valentinian was afraid that Aetius’ supporters in the Senate would support a revolt against him.42 It was probably at this time that he enquired of an unknown Roman whether he had done well in executing Aetius. The oft-quoted reply to Valentinian was that the Roman ‘was not able to know whether he had done well or perhaps otherwise, but one thing he understood exceedingly well, that he had cut off his own right hand with the other’.43

  Militarily, Valentinian knew that he had to maintain the good will of the army and especially of those troops – particularly Aetius’ bucellarii – who had been loyal to Aetius and might now support a usurper. By the time of Aetius’ death the praesental army of the West had shrunk. Aetius’ personal following of bucellarii, mainly composed of Huns, comprised a large proportion of the Western ‘field army’.44

  As a result, and probably following the plan he had wanted all along, Valentinian recalled Majorian from his ‘retirement’ and made him comes domesticorum (count of the household), allocating Aetius’ bucellarii to him in the hope that their loyalty would be transferred to Majorian, alongside whom many will have served, and that he would prevent a coup.45 Believing that Valentinian would now allow him to marry Placidia, Majorian would have been happy to oblige the emperor.

  Knowing that Aetius’ death would also precipitate actions in the wider world, at the same time Valentinian sent envoys to the barbarians, the one to the Sueves being called Justinianus.46 What actions the Goths, the Sueves, the Alans and especially the Vandals would have taken are unknown. Events in Rome quickly changed the political circumstances of the West forever.

  The Death of Valentinian

  Maximus now attempted to dominate Valentinian in a manner similar to Aetius. When he endeavoured to have Valentinian nominate him for the consulship he was opposed by Heraclius, who may have been a supporter of Majorian.47 Angry at his ambition being thwarted, Maximus summoned Optila and Thraustila, two of Valentinian’s guards. These two men had served in Aetius’ bucellarii before being promoted to the imperial guard. Additionally, Thraustila is claimed to have been Aetius’ son-in-law, married to an un-named daughter.48 Unfortunately, this is attested nowhere else, and it is unlikely that Valentinian would have continued to employ a relative of Aetius in his personal guard after murdering him. However, given Valentinian’s naïve policy towards Aetius, this should not be taken for granted and so the concept remains an interesting possibility. In their meeting Maximus blamed the death of Aetius squarely on Valentinian and strongly suggested that the two men take revenge on Valentinian for Aetius’ ‘execution’.49 He also claimed that Valentinian had brought shame on his house by raping Maximus’ wife, although this is unlikely.50

  In the meantime it would appear that Valentinian, recognizing that to continue to rule in safety he would need the support of the army, began to pay more attention to the troops, taking part in military exercises with them and hoping by his presence to boost their support for him.51 As part of these routines he regularly attended the training sessions on the Campus Martius. A few days after Maximus’ meeting with Optila and Thraustila, on 16 March 455, Valentinian, accompanied by Heraclius, was exercising on the Campus Martius with a few guards. After he had dismounted from his horse, Optila, Thraustila and their followers drew their swords and killed both Valentinian and Heraclius.52 Despite his attempts to win their loyalty, not one of his guards or the troops in the area attempted to intervene: their loyalty was apparently still given to Aetius. With Valentinian’s death the House of Theodosius, or at least the male heirs, came to an inglorious end.

  Chapter 17

  Aftermath

  The assassination of Valentinian caused ‘disorder and confusion’ in Rome.1 According to Priscus, the army was divided between supporting Maximus and a certain ‘Maximian’, the son of Domninus and attendant of Aetius.2 It is possible, though uncertain, that Priscus’ text at this point is corrupt and that ‘Maximian’ is to be identified as the later emperor Majorian: the two words are very similar in ancient Greek and so it is possible that a later copyist made a mistake.3 What is certain is that, in effect, the army could not decide whether to follow the policies of Aetius (Maximian/Majorian) or to adopt a new set of policies (Maximus).

  The matter was decided very quickly. Maximus began to distribute money to influential people and at the same time forced Eudoxia, Valentinian’s widow, to marry him by threatening her with death if she refused.4 Theophanes also claims that Eudoxia was raped by Maximus, but he may have been confused as to the actual course of events and so took the worst possible interpretation.5 Maximus further ordered that Eudoxia’s daughter Eudocia marry his son, the newly proclaimed Caesar Palladius, despite the fact that she was betrothed to Huneric, son of Gaiseric.6 In an attempt to reinforce his position, Maximus may also have arranged the betrothal of Placidia to Olybrius, a leading senator in Ro
me, who probably threw in his lot with Maximus as a result. On 17 March, the day after Valentinian’s death, Maximus was proclaimed emperor in Rome.7

  Eudoxia was, understandably, furious at her treatment. She had always wanted Majorian as the new emperor and Maximus’ actions alienated any hope of her agreement to his schemes.8 She pondered her options. Her next move could be interpreted as a betrayal of Rome, and in fact it is now ignored by many historians, probably being seen as mere rumour and scandal rather than fact.9

  Eudoxia could not appeal to the East for help since her aunt Pulcheria had died and the emperor Marcian would most likely not be willing to intervene on her behalf.10 The Western court was either unable or unwilling to take her part against the new emperor. Her only hope lay with the barbarians. The Goths were one possibility, but the more obvious course of action – and the one she took – was to appeal to Gaiseric, her daughter’s potential father-in-law, for help.11

  Although at first surprising, when the move is analyzed it is clear that Eudoxia was not betraying Rome but rather following the example set by Aetius, who had more than once appealed to barbarians for aid, although in his case it was the Huns. Furthermore, Gaiseric was settled in Africa as socius et amicus cum foedere.12 As an ally of her former husband, Gaiseric was the obvious person for her to appeal to. Moreover, Maximus’ decision to force Eudocia to marry Palladius was an added incentive to Gaiseric to evict Maximus from the throne. Eudoxia may have been hoping that Gaiseric, as her ally, would enter Italy, remove Maximus, and then join with her to elevate Majorian.

  Unfortunately, Eudoxia made one grave error in her assumptions. She assumed that Gaiseric, as her former husband’s ally, would agree to help her. However, the barbarian invaders of the Roman Empire, or at least Gaiseric, appear to have had a different interpretation of alliances. To Eudoxia and to modern eyes an alliance is an agreement on behalf of political institutions to support each other. Gaiseric and other Germanic tribesmen did not interpret things in this way. Gaiseric’s alliance and treaty was with Aetius and Valentinian, the individuals who had concluded the negotiations with him.13 As a result, with their deaths the treaty was perceived by Gaiseric as being void. Furthermore, without the threat of Aetius, Italy was now open to raids. The message from Eudoxia also demonstrated to Gaiseric that there was confusion in Rome.14 No doubt hoping to create further disorder, Gaiseric instantly cut the supply of grain to Rome and, deciding that a swift attack would meet little resistance, collected his army and set sail, not just for Italy, but directly for Rome.

  THE WEST

  Hearing of the assassination of Aetius, early in the campaign season of 455 the barbarians along the Rhine had begun to take advantage of the loss of Rome’s most outstanding soldier. The Saxons began to spread their raids along the coast, the Franks began to encroach on the two ‘Belgian’ provinces, and the Alamanni crossed the Rhine into Roman territory and began to expand their holdings.15 These attacks were only to be expected. In the previous twenty years any attempts to expand had been met by the Roman army under Aetius, usually supported by Huns, and the attackers forced to retire to their previous borders. Now, with the Hunnic empire in cataclysmic decline and Aetius dead, all of the barbarian tribes saw their chance and took it.

  The Goths

  Since the settlement of the Goths in 418/419 the policies of the West, including those of Constantius III, John, and, of course, Aetius, had been to minimize the impact of the settlement on political affairs. The fact that the Gothic kings wanted to play a more central role in the affairs of the West, or at least expand their territories, is emphasised by the number of wars that they fought with Rome between 419 and 454. Seeking to cement his position as emperor Maximus promoted Avitus, the man who had been Aetius’ negotiator with the Goths, as magister utriusque militiae praesentalis.16

  The timing was good as the Goths, aware of the death of Aetius, had decided once again to attempt to expand their political power and dominions.17 Preparing their armies, the Goths were ready to march when Avitus arrived. The events that follow are taken from Sidonius’ panegyric to Avitus, so may not be strictly accurate.18 Avitus clearly had a military and political reputation in the West.19 According to Sidonius, when the news arrived that Avitus had been made magister militum, the Franks and the Alamanni quickly retreated to their previous frontiers and the Saxons stopped their raids through fear. Although the extent of their capitulation is no doubt exaggerated, Avitus’ reputation appears to have at least given them pause for thought and slowed down their rate of advance.

  Once he had received messages from these tribes asking for peace, Avitus, leaving the army behind, went to Toulouse simply as an envoy. Due to Theoderic’s relationship with Avitus, and to the esteem in which he was held, the Goths agreed to forego any attacks upon the empire.

  The concept that Theoderic accepted a new treaty simply due to Avitus’ influence is probably exaggerated. Sidonius was Avitus’ son-in-law and the story is part of Sidonius’ panegyric to him. Yet if the new treaty was not arranged simply because of Theoderic’s admiration for Avitus, there must be another reason for the Goths’ alliance with Rome.

  The chances are that the alliance was agreed on condition that Maximus accepted Theoderic as an ally and an equal, a policy that undid the guiding principle of all of the previous rulers who had fought to keep the Goths in a subordinate position.20 Despite the reversal of policy, the agreement was good news for Maximus. However, bad news was soon to follow.

  The Sack of Rome

  Landing near Rome, Gaiseric advanced to ‘Azestus’.21 Maximus heard the news on 31 May.22 Maximus, who had little military experience and was aware that not all of the army was happy with his elevation, immediately panicked and fled.23 Sickened by his cowardice, his bodyguard left him to run. As he was leaving the city a bystander threw a rock that hit him on the temple and killed him. The crowd then tore his body to pieces.24

  Leaderless, and with any available troops apparently refusing to fight, the city of Rome bowed to the inevitable. Gaiseric entered the city. Contrary to the expectations of Eudoxia, he did not come as a liberator. As he was about to release his troops on the defenceless city Pope Leo convinced Gaiseric not to let his troops burn, kill or torture the citizens, but nevertheless the city was put to the sack for fourteen days and ‘emptied of all its wealth, and many thousands of captives, all that were satisfactory as to age or occupation, along with the Queen and her children, were taken away to Carthage’.25 Also taken was Gaudentius, Aetius’ son.26

  Once back in Africa Eudocia was kept in safety prior to her marriage to Huneric, following the earlier betrothal and the agreement of 442. As Placidia was betrothed to Olybrius she was not married to anybody by Gaiseric. Instead, both she and her mother Eudoxia were simply held by Gaiseric in Carthage.27 Although the Eastern Emperor Marcian sent envoys on two occasions to Gaiseric demanding a halt to hostilities and the return of Eudoxia, Eudocia and Placidia, these were ignored.28

  With the West in disarray, Gaiseric rapidly extended his holdings, taking the whole of Roman Africa west of Cyrenaica, the Balearic Islands, Sardinia and Corsica. He then went on to have a long career interfering in imperial politics to further his own ends before dying of old age in 477.

  Italy

  In the meantime, the imperial throne passed to Avitus. In a complete break with the policies of the past he accepted the support of the Goths, being nominated as emperor by Theoderic. For the first time a barbarian group within the boundaries of the empire was involved in politics at the highest level, even to the point of appointing an emperor.

  Avitus appointed a man named Remistus as magister militum et patricius and Ricimer, an individual of mixed barbarian descent, as comes. Ricimer was sent to face the Vandals, who were attacking Sicily, defeating them in a land battle at Agrigentum and again at sea near Corsica in 456.29 Gaiseric’s hopes of annexing Sicily were thwarted, and as a result of his victories Ricimer was made magister militum by a grateful Avitus.30

&
nbsp; The Goths

  Prior to these developments the Sueves in Spain attempted to enlarge their kingdom by annexing Roman territory. Although both the emperor in Italy and Theoderic, King of the Goths, ordered them to stop, the Sueves refused to bow to diplomatic pressure. Finally, in 456, Theoderic invaded Spain with a large army and defeated them.31 By this action Theoderic laid the foundations for the Visigothic Kingdom of Spain.

  Unfortunately for Avitus, Gaiseric still dominated the seas and Avitus remained unpopular in Italy due to the famine caused in Italy by the complete loss of grain from Africa.32 As a result he was forced to dismiss his Gothic bodyguard, but in order to pay them he stripped ‘bronze fittings’ and other metals from public buildings, selling the resultant goods to merchants for the funds.33

  The people of Rome rebelled against Avitus and, correctly judging the prevailing mood, Ricimer betrayed his patron and joined with Majorian in rebellion. Remistus was killed and one month later, on 17 October 456, Avitus was defeated at the Battle of Placentia and killed.34 Thus was set in motion Ricimer’s domination, which resulted in a series of short-lived emperors being crowned and executed. The West now began its short decline into obscurity.

  This was not helped by the fact that the Goths, upon hearing of Avitus’ death, instantly rebelled, along with the Burgundians. With the West in turmoil, from December 456 to April 457 the Roman Empire was nominally reunited under the sole rule of the Eastern Emperor. Unfortunately, at this critical juncture Marcian died (26 January 457), and it was not until the appointment of Leo (7 February 457) as the new emperor that new political plans could be instigated in the East. One of Leo’s first moves was to appoint Majorian as magister militum alongside Ricimer.35 Yet the invasion of a group of Alamanni proved that a new emperor of the West was needed.36 On 6 April 457 the army acclaimed Majorian.37 After settling into his new rule in 458 and 459 Majorian led the troops on a campaign to restore order in Gaul. As part of the build up to the campaign, Majorian sent envoys to the Huns in the hope of enlisting their help in his armies. The embassy was a success, but succeeded in more than Majorian may have hoped: a letter from Nicetas, Bishop of Aquileia, to Pope Leo survives asking what should be done concerning the ‘returning captives’. It would appear that a large number of the captives taken during Attila’s invasions of the West were returned in 458 as part of the agreement between Majorian and the Huns. Released in Dacia and Moesia, these people’s first port of call on their journey home was Aquileia, and the bishop had been swamped by the refugees.38