Aetius Attila’s Nemesis Page 33

  A further difficulty lies in interpretations of the origins of the barbarian settlements. There is a tendency, especially in histories describing the long periods from Constantine’s death to the ‘Fall of the West’, to perceive all barbarian settlements as being forced on the West by hostile foreign invaders.13 This is not the case. There were five types of settlement by barbarians on Roman territory.14

  The first of these was where barbarians attempted to impose their settlement without imperial sanction, for example, the Salian Franks in 358 and other Frankish tribes in 428. These were quickly counter-attacked and forced to leave the territory they had just occupied. That this infiltration continued and that it eventually succeeded after Aetius’ death is a sure sign of imperial weakness.

  The second type of settlement was where terms were imposed by Rome and were simply to the benefit of the Romans without interest in the effects on the barbarians. These were the types imposed on barbarians throughout most of imperial history. Unfortunately, by the time of Aetius the Romans had effectively lost the ability to force such settlements on the barbarian invaders, although the settlement of the Burgundians in Gaul in 443 and 456 might fit this category. Following their decimation by the Huns, the Burgundians were settled as ‘citizens’ in a similar manner to equivalent situations in the earlier empire. It is only the fact that the Burgundians maintained a separate identity for the short period until the fall of the West, after which they managed to establish a small independent kingdom for themselves, that makes it appear as if they were yet another barbarian invader whose invasion helped dismantle the empire.

  The third type was where usurpers allowed barbarians to settle on condition of their military support. Examples include the Sueves, Vandals and Alans who were allowed by the usurper Maximus to settle in Spain in 409.15 In this case the tribesmen were always liable to be attacked by ‘legitimate’ imperial forces intent on either destroying them, moving them to a separate settlement area or of forcing them to accept new treaties that were more beneficial to Rome.

  The fourth type was where, with Roman agreement, the barbarians were settled on roughly equal terms to Rome. These agreements include the settlement of the Goths in Aquitaine in 418–419 and the Vandals in Africa in 442. The Goths were settled in 418–419 partly in recognition of what they had achieved in Spain, but mainly because an attempt to destroy them was too risky. Therefore, they were granted land specifically in return for their alliance. The Vandals were allowed to retain Africa when it became apparent that the Eastern army was needed to face the Huns and that the Western army could not face the Vandals alone, since a defeat in Africa would certainly have resulted in the total loss of Gaul to the Goths and probably to the complete collapse of the West. The main difference between the Vandals and the other Germanic invaders is that the Vandals asserted and maintained their independence from an early date thanks both to their geographical location and to the military and political ability of Gaiseric. From his secure base in Africa Gaiseric established an independent kingdom that was to last until the reconquest under Belisarius in 533–534.

  The final type of settlement is one where barbarian troops were rewarded for their loyal service to Rome and can be seen as the equivalent of earlier land grants of ‘colonies’ to troops after their retirement from service. The two settlements of Alans in Gaul in 440 and 442 should be interpreted as the settling of veterans on their own land after long and faithful service, although in both cases Aetius had ulterior motives for the settlements. For example, that of the Alans under Goa in 442 was partly to inhibit the rebellions of the bacaudae in Armorica. Yet it is better to see their settlement as a traditional reward of land for Roman veterans, rather than a barbarian invader annexing large parts of Gaul in the face of imperial impotence.

  Whatever the nature, the method of settling barbarians in Gaul and Spain, which was begun before Aetius came to power, was very effective in the short term and helped to maintain the empire. However, in the long term the net result was a loss of revenue without a similar reduction in costs. This is mirrored in the hiring of mercenaries. Although effective in the short term, in the long term the mercenaries retired to their own territories and the money that they had earned left the empire.16

  Overall, however, it should be remembered that despite appearances the empire did not admit that the lands in Gaul, Spain and Britain had been permanently lost.17 Aetius’ recovery of control in Gaul in the mid 440s was certainly seen as a sign of imperial recovery, as evidenced by the appeal to him from Britain for help. Whilst Aetius was alive contemporaries probably believed that the worst was over and that imperial recovery would allow life to return to what it had been in previous centuries. This was no more so than after the repulse of Attila from Gaul and Italy, followed by his death and the collapse of the Hunnic empire.

  One further aspect deserves attention – the treatment of the barbarian leaders in the West as compared to the East. It has been observed that in the East the barbarian aristocracy were offered military posts and were integrated into the empire, whereas in the West no such employment was offered and so the barbarian kings remained separate and eventually overthrew the West.18 This is not strictly accurate. In the West the barbarian leaders had large numbers of followers, usually equivalent to one of the Roman field armies. To allow such leaders a military post would necessitate allowing their followers to join the army in similar fashion. This would result in the new commanders suddenly becoming equivalent in power to the established Roman military leaders. This obviously was not allowed until after Aetius’ death, after which it can be interpreted as one of the major reasons for the collapse of imperial authority in the West.

  In the East, on the other hand, the barbarian leaders had a smaller troop of followers. In normal circumstances, the barbarian followers were separated from their leader and deployed away from Constantinople. The leader was then entrusted with the command of Roman troops loyal to the empire. In this way the barbarian general was not allowed to become a threat to the empire. The only time when this rule was not followed allowed the Goth Gainas, in the year 400, to take command of a joint army of his own troops and the followers of his barbarian colleague Tribigild. Although his time in power was short, it ensured that the East did not allow a repetition of these circumstances. When the Gothic general Theoderic later threatened the stability of the East, he was sent to Italy, saving the East from further disruption.

  AETIUS: ‘TERROR OF THE BARBARIANS AND THE SUPPORT OF THE REPUBLIC’?

  Despite the difficulties, it is possible from the few remaining sources to glean a hint of what Aetius was like as a person. The fact that Boniface was willing to allow him to live after defeating him at the Battle of Rimini suggests that he was a man who was trusted by his contemporaries. This is emphasized by the fact that Boniface, as a political and military mover at Court, may have known of Aetius from an early age. It is even more the case when the long-standing support of the Huns is taken into account. It is unlikely that they would have continued to support a man who continually failed to honour his personal agreements.

  He appears to have been a man of compassion and humanity, as well as a realist, as evidenced by his treatment of the African refugees. At a time when the empire was bankrupt Aetius and Valentinian passed laws to relieve the refugees of their tax burden, even though Aetius was no doubt desperate for income to strengthen the army.

  Yet this should not blind us to the fact that Aetius was a political and military commander who had a sense of his own superiority that made him prepared to risk all in civil war. His actions cost many lives, first in support of John and then on his own against Boniface. It would appear that as long as he was recognized as being needed, if not pre-eminent, he was trustworthy, yet when this was removed he could be self-centred enough to force others to do things his way.

  On the other hand, when he was defeated by Boniface he appears to have accepted that Boniface was the better man and to have stepped aside, retiring to his
estates and being content to allow Boniface his chance of running the empire as military guardian to Valentinian. It should not be forgotten, however, that he would have had friends and supporters in the Senate and the court who would have kept him aware of political developments and he was almost certainly simply waiting for an opportunity to step forward and resume the burden of political and military life.

  His chance came with the death of Boniface. It is clear that Aetius did not hold Sebastian in the same esteem as he had held Boniface and was willing to plunge the empire into civil war to regain his position and oust Sebastian – although to a large part the attempts on his life certainly made Aetius more willing to risk all.

  In combination, these qualities appear to have endeared him to both contemporaries and later historians. It is noticeable that it was only after ‘ruling’ the West unopposed for twenty years that effective opposition to his control materialized. Even then, after his execution the troops remained loyal to his memory, standing aside as Valentinian was killed and then failing to arrest and punish the murderers.

  LAST OF THE ROMANS

  Yet the real test of Aetius’ ability is when his time in power is compared to the events immediately after his fall. The rapid fragmentation and collapse of the West attests to his determination and ability to hold the disintegrating empire together despite the odds.

  One of the most important facets of his personality appears to have been that he was able to command undivided loyalty in his subordinates. In turn, he was able to use their military ability for the benefit of the empire, sending several independent armies to different theatres in Gaul and Spain, confident that the generals he appointed would not raise the standard of revolt.19 Later commanders in the West did not have this luxury.

  Aetius was a superb military commander and politician, but even had he lived longer he could not have saved the West. He was fighting against the tides of history. The financial decay of the West coupled with the moral decay of the aristocracy removed any chance he had of defeating the barbarians and re-establishing a viable empire.

  Aetius established a reputation as an excellent general and a fierce defender of Roman power. As long as he was alive, despite numerous attempts to promote their influence, the kings of the barbarian kingdoms remained subordinate to the emperor. After his death the situation changed dramatically. The Goths became emperor-makers, promoting Avitus to the throne. The heart of the empire was now subordinate to the wills of a king whose main interest was the expansion of his own power, not the good of Rome. Simultaneously, the Vandals, released from the treaty and no longer afraid of military interference, launched a series of attacks that annexed large areas to their kingdom, whilst at the same time drastically reducing the area still loyal to Rome. Although the sack of Rome by Gaiseric in 455 is still seen as important, in reality it was the loss of territory that was most damaging to the empire. Neither of these events would have happened during Aetius’ lifetime. The moral effect of having an able military leader in control subdued the barbarians and concealed the weakness of the empire from its inhabitants.

  It is true to say that ‘If all the barbarian conquerors had been annihilated in the same hour, their total destruction would not have restored the empire of the West: and if Rome still survived, she survived the loss of freedom, of virtue, and of honour.’20 Aetius’ rearguard action was valiant and full of valorous deeds, but in the end it was doomed to failure simply because there was no one of his quality to replace him. Without a dynamic military leader at least his equal in ability the West could not survive

  Outline Chronology

  306–337 Rule of Constantine I, ‘The Great’

  376 Goths allowed into empire by Valens

  377 Revolt of Goths

  378 Battle of Adrianople

  379 Theodosius I installed as Emperor in the East

  382 Conclusion of Gothic War: treaty signed

  383 Revolt of Magnus Maximus in Britain

  388 Theodosius defeats and kills Magnus Maximus

  c.390 Birth of Aetius. Spends early life in the tribuni praetoriani partis militaris

  391 Alaric first attested as a leader of a Gothic group in the Balkans

  392 Elevation of Eugenius as Western Emperor by Arbogast following death of Valentinian II

  394 Theodosius again invades the West to defeat Eugenius

  395 Death of Theodosius. Stilicho regent in the West. Revolt of Alaric

  395 Stilicho’s campaign against Alaric in Illyricum ends in failure

  397 Stilicho’s campaign against Alaric in Greece ends in failure. Fall of Rufinus

  398 Revolt of Gildo in Africa. Stilicho sends an army that defeats Gildo and restores Africa to the West

  399 Fall of Eutropius

  400 Fall of Gainas

  401 Alaric invades Italy

  402 Battles of Pollentia (April) and Verona (June). Alaric defeated by Stilicho

  pre-405 Aetius tribunus praetoriani partis militaris

  405 Invasion of Italy by Radagaisus. Aetius sent to Alaric as hostage, aged c.15

  406 Defeat and execution of Radagaisus. Stilicho decides to invade Illyricum. Stilicho sends Alaric to Epirus. Invasion of Gaul by Vandals, Sueves and Alans

  407 The usurper Constantine III crosses to Gaul from Britain. Uneasy alliance of Constantine and the barbarian invaders of Gaul. Invasion of Illyricum cancelled. Alaric ordered to return to Pannonia. Constantine secures Gaul and Spain

  408 Fall of Stilicho. Olympius assumes control in west. Alaric returns Aetius as a sign of good faith: Aetius sent to the Hunnic King Rua as hostage. Massacre of the families of the federates in Italy. Federate troops join Alaric. Formation of the Visigoths. Alaric lays siege to Rome in an attempt to secure military post for himself. Honorius refuses Alaric’s request for a military post. Alaric raises siege

  409 Revolt of Gerontius in Spain and installation of Maximus as Emperor. Vandals, Sueves and Alans enter Spain. Alaric lays siege to Rome for a second time. Alaric promotes Priscus Attalus as Emperor. Pestilence in Spain

  410 Alaric deposes Attalus and lays siege to Rome for third time. Rome sacked by Goths. Traditional date for the formal secession of Britain from the empire with the ‘Rescript of Honorius’

  411 Flavius Constantius becomes magister militum and begins to restore the fortunes of the west

  413 Constantius campaigns against Athaulf and the Goths. Settlement of Goths in Aquitaine begins

  416–419 Combined Gothic–Roman campaigns in Spain destroy power of Alans and Siling Vandals. The survivors join the Asding Vandals

  417 Constantius marries Galla Placidia, sister of Honorius

  419 Birth of Valentinian, son of Constantius and Galla Placidia

  c.420 Death of Charaton, release of Aetius

  421 Constantius III made joint-Augustus. Death of Constantius III

  422 Castinus and Boniface sent against Vandals in Spain. They quarrel and Boniface flees to Africa. Castinus defeated by Vandals. Galla Placidia breaks with Honorius and moves to Constantinople, taking her son Valentinian with her

  423 Death of Honorius. Theodosius II in Constantinople delays declaration of new emperor. The patricius Castinus names John as Emperor. Aetius made cura palatii. Possible date of Aetius’ marriage to Carpilio’s daughter

  424 Late in the year John sends Aetius to the Huns to ask for support in John’s claim to the West. October, Theodosius declares his cousin Valentinian III emperor of the West and betroths Valentinian to his daughter Licinia Eudoxia

  425 Eastern army invades West. John takes refuge in Ravenna but is betrayed by the garrison and executed. Three days after execution Aetius arrives with a Hunnic army: battle with Eastern forces under Aspar. Aetius and Placidia (mother of Valentinian III) reach agreement: Huns paid off, Aetius made comes et magister militum per Gallias, Felix made magister militum praesentalis and patricius. Valentinian crowned 23 October, aged six. Vandals capture Cartagena and sack Seville

  426 Aetius defeats Goths b
esieging Arles. Vandals occupy Seville

  427 Felix contrives disgrace of Boniface: civil war in Africa

  428 Aetius defeats Franks on the Rhine. Vandals occupy Seville

  429 Aetius made magister militum praesentalis (magister equitum), remaining subordinate to Felix. Truth concerning contrived disgrace of Boniface emerges. May 429 Vandals cross Straits of Gibraltar to Africa. August 429 inscription at Altava in North Africa attests to movement of Vandals towards Carthage. Darius brokers truce with Vandals. Sueves plunder Lusitania

  430 Aetius destroys a Gothic group near Arles led by Anaolsus. Returning to Italy, Aetius accuses Felix of plotting against him. The troops kill Felix and his wife. Aetius defeats Iuthungi (Alamanni) in Raetia. Sueves pillage central Gallaecia. In Africa, Vandals break truce and defeat Boniface in battle. Siege of Hippo begins. Saint Augustine dies 28 August in the third month of the siege

  431 Aetius defeats Nori in Noricum. Aetius accepted as Consul for 432. Sueves pillage Gallaecia. Vandals raise siege of Hippo. Franks capture Tournai and Cambrai

  432 Aetius Consul for the first time. Aetius defeats Franks on the Rhine. Boniface and Aspar, an Eastern magister militum, defeated by Vandals. Sack of Hippo. Boniface returns to Italy: Aetius attacks him at the Battle of Rimini but is defeated and returns to his estates. Boniface dies of wounds received in the battle and his son-in-law Sebastian takes control in Rome. Alleged attack on Aetius, who flees to the Huns

  433 Aetius returns and is installed as magister militum. Sebastian flees. Aetius marries Pelagia, widow of Boniface

  435 Treaty with the Vandals, giving them parts of North Africa. Aetius defeats the Burgundians and signs a treaty. Tibatto leads a bacaudic rebellion in ‘Farther Gaul’. Aetius made patricius 5 September

  436 Aetius sends army into Armorica under Litorius to fight the bacaudae. Goths declare war and begin siege of Narbonne. Burgundians break treaty