Aetius Attila’s Nemesis Page 15

  It is also possible that Placidia had a hand in these events. Boniface had been loyal to her throughout his career and she had been made to look extremely foolish when she had been tricked into declaring him a traitor and waging war against him. It was now clear to her that Felix was not going to simply serve Valentinian in the interests of the empire, but was intent on becoming the sole military officer of any standing. She may have approached Aetius in order to have Felix removed, but there is no evidence for this in the sources, and the fact that Aetius had only recently been opposed to Valentinian suggests that Placidia may not have trusted him fully. As a result the theory remains interesting but unproven and improbable.

  The hypothesis that Aetius acted on his own and that the troops supported him has the benefit of uniting the two sources as well as giving a reasonable sequence of events, at the end of which Aetius could be accused of ‘killing’ Felix and his wife. Aetius was now the sole comes et magister utriusque militiae. The man who had been the rebel of 425 had risen to be the supreme military commander of the west.

  The question remains as to whether Felix was really plotting to overthrow Aetius or whether Aetius invented the plot as a means of eliminating one of his two major rivals to power. It was only the year before that Felix’s machinations against Boniface had come to light, no doubt to the anger of Placidia. As a result it is almost certain that Felix would not begin a new plot to remove Aetius, since Placidia and the rest of the civilian government would be alert to such a move and so be in strong opposition to the measures. Yet there remains the possibility that, prior to the plot against Boniface being uncovered, Felix had set in motion plans to remove Aetius and that Aetius found out about this in either 429 or early in 430.

  Yet on reflection it is more plausible that Aetius viewed his inferior status to Felix as undeserved and so used Felix’s reputation against him. By accusing Felix of a plot in front of the troops, who were no doubt heavily sprinkled with his supporters, Aetius could leave it to the troops to decide the truth of the matter. Given that Felix had earlier plotted to overthrow Boniface – another popular Western general – the matter would be in little doubt. In due course, the troops faithfully killed Felix and Padusia, removing one of the two barriers to Aetius’ complete control.

  Africa

  In Africa, the Vandals were slowly advancing along the northern coast, hampered by the slow pace of the women, children, elderly and the baggage animals. Although the actual route of their advance is unknown, it is likely that it followed the main routes east towards Carthage. Although Victor of Vita accuses the Vandals of the mass destruction of cities and buildings, it is clear from other evidence that he exaggerates their destructive impact, since little if any literary or archaeological evidence survives that supports his view.26 Possibly the only direct evidence for the Vandals’ march is an inscription found at Altava, dating to August 429, which includes the mention of the deceased being wounded by a ‘barbarian’: 27

  Map 7. The Vandals in Africa

  - - - - - -

  1 KALSEM

  ANNOPROCCCXC

  3 GLADIOP* ABARBAROS

  - - - discessit - - -]

  Kal(endas) se(pte)m[bres]

  Anno pro(uinciae) cccxc

  Gladio p(ercessus) a barbaros

  Although the attribution is insecure, it is possible that these ‘barbarians’ were the Vandals on their long journey across north Africa.28

  At an unknown date either shortly before or shortly after the ‘attack’ at Altava, Darius, the man who had negotiated a peace between Boniface and Sigisvult, convinced the Vandals to accept a truce and halt their advance.29 In the meantime, freed from the burden of fighting a civil war, Boniface gathered his forces ready to oppose any further advances by the Vandals. When the Vandals resumed their march east early in 430, no doubt much to the disappointment of Darius, Boniface led his men out and met the Vandals in battle somewhere to the west of Hippo Regius.

  The size and deployment of the opposing forces are unknown. According to Victor of Vita, the Vandals at the crossing into Africa were organized into eighty thusundifaths, each of 1,000 people. However, he also states that the organization was inaccurate, being an attempt to convince onlookers that the forces crossing to Africa were larger than they actually were.30 Therefore, the whole population that crossed to Africa numbered substantially less than 80,000, perhaps in the region of 70,000, possibly even lower. At the most, this should have given the Vandals an army of around 20,000 fighting men.31

  Opposing the Vandals were the troops under Boniface. According to the Notitia Dignitatum, the commander in Africa should have had thirty-one comitatenses (field) units and twenty-two limitanei (garrison) units stationed in Tripolitania and Numidia. This gives a total of approximately 35,000 men, although the actual strength may have been much lower.32 However, these troops were used to dealing with minor border raids and the supervision of the movement of nomadic tribes through the provinces. These men were not of the same quality as the Vandal and Alan warriors who had been fighting across western Europe for the previous twenty years. Furthermore, it is likely that Gaiseric was a far better commander of troops than Boniface.33

  Gaiseric also had under his command a force of Goths.34 Unfortunately, the number of Goths is completely unknown, as is their origin. Most likely is that they were a group of Goths who had joined the Vandals earlier, in Spain. It is also claimed that they were the entourage of Boniface’s wife Pelagia, who is described as a ‘Gothic princess’ by both Merobaudes and Sidonius Apollinaris.35 As such, upon her marriage she was probably followed by a small band of loyal retainers. These may have rebelled and joined Gaiseric, for an unknown reason. However, the Goths could also be a contingent left behind by Sigisvult when he returned to Italy to help in the defence of Africa and who rebelled and joined the Vandals. The claim that they were followers of Sanoeces, who was most likely a Hun, has also been proposed, but this can be deemed the least likely of the four hypotheses.36

  Despite Boniface’ undoubted skills as a general, his men were defeated, and the survivors – including Boniface – retired to the safety of Hippo.37 The victorious Vandals followed and in May or June 430 Boniface was laid under siege in the city.38 The siege soon became a desperate affair. Thanks to their ships, the Vandals were able to cut completely all supply lines into the city.39 As the siege lengthened the priests in the city, including (Saint) Augustine, held prayers pleading for relief from the siege.40 However, in the third month of the siege Augustine died, probably of a fever, on 28 August 430.41 With their great religious leader dead, the citizens of Hippo began to lose all hope of salvation. Despite this, Boniface himself continued to lead the brave resistance to the siege.

  However, the Vandals themselves also began to suffer. This was not an army intent upon sacking the city before retiring with the booty. The Vandals besieging the city included very large numbers of the old, women and children, non-combatants who weakened the attackers by using any surplus supplies that would have allowed the besiegers to last longer than the besieged. Soon, the Vandals began to feel the effects of the siege as much as the citizens of Hippo. Despite these problems, they continued to press the siege. Stretched on all fronts, and unsure of events in Africa, the West was unable to send troops to help Boniface. Instead, they relied on their appeals to the East to supply the troops needed in Africa.

  Spain

  Although the Romans had helped the Sueves to retain their independence from the Vandals in 420, by 430 they, under their king Hermeric, had reverted to type and were pillaging the central areas of Gallaecia.42 Although there do not appear to have been Roman troops in the area, there was still strong resistance from the native inhabitants, especially from ‘people [plebem] who remained in possession of the more secure forts’. Due to this fierce resistance, Hermeric appears to have called off the raid, instead renewing the peace treaty and returning the captives he had taken.43

  431

  Almost certainly due to the conf
usion caused by the news that Felix had been killed, and augmented by the news that the Vandals were at large in Africa, warfare and rebellion erupted again in 431. The first reports that arrived in Ravenna were that at least some of the peoples of Noricum – probably the Vandals settled there by Stilicho in 400–401 – had rebelled. Situated guarding the northern approaches to Italy, these two provinces (Noricum Ripense and Noricum Mediterraneum) were of vital importance to the defence of Italy, and so needed to be pacified as quickly as possible. Aetius wasted no time. He led the praesental army north from Italy and quickly crushed the rebellion before it could become widespread.44

  Following this victory, Aetius prepared for a campaign against the Franks under Clodio, who had invaded Roman Gaul and captured Tournai and Cambrai.45 It is unclear whether these were the same Franks that had been forced to retreat in 428 or whether this was a different group.46 Since the earlier canton(s) had been given notice that the West was recovering after the civil war, the latter is more likely. However, there was not enough time left in the campaign season to allow for the campaign to be concluded. As a result, Aetius crossed the Alps into Gaul and prepared his forces for a campaign against the Franks early in 432.

  Before he left for Gaul, as a reward for defeating so many enemies in such a short space of time, Aetius was nominated for the consulship of 432. The nomination implies that Placidia was either not too distressed by the recent death of Felix or that the political strength of Aetius was such that she had no choice but to accept the nomination. It is more likely that it was a combination of the two. What is more surprising is that the nomination was accepted by the East, since Felix would appear to have been an Eastern nomination – or at least accepted by Theodosius. The East’s nominee for the year was Valerius, brother of the Empress Eudoxia.

  Very late in the year an embassy led by Bishop Hydatius of Aquae Flaviae arrived from Gallaecia in Spain and informed Aetius that, once again, the Sueves under Hermeric had broken their treaty and were plundering the area.47 It is also possible that Hydatius informed Aetius that an individual named Vetto, who is otherwise unknown but who may have been an envoy sent by the Goths, had arrived in Gallaecia for talks with the Sueves.48 Unfortunately for Hydatius, Aetius was preoccupied with the upcoming campaign against the Franks. It is probable that Aetius felt that the news of a successful campaign in Gaul would help to dampen the enthusiasm of the Sueves for continuing their depredations and possibly deter them from making an alliance with the Goths. In any case, Aetius could not move south into Spain until after the Franks had been defeated. As a result, the bishop was forced to wait until the new year for a satisfactory response.

  Interestingly, although by 431 Britain is usually seen as being isolated from the rest of the empire, Prosper records that a bishop named Palladius, ‘having been ordained by Pope Celestine, was the first bishop sent to the Scots believing in Christ’.49 It would appear that, even at this late date, some at least amongst the clergy believed that the fate of Britain was as yet undecided, and that they were determined to ensure the continuation of Christianity in the farthest reaches of the empire.

  Africa

  After fourteen months of siege, hunger and the inevitable diseases were ravaging both the city inhabitants of Hippo and the Vandals outside the city walls.50 However, the Vandals appear, like most German tribesmen, to have been poor in the art of siege warfare. Running out of provisions themselves, and with disease spreading amongst their dependents, in July or August they raised the siege.51 Shortly after there was an unexpected twist. Unannounced, the Eastern magister utriusque militiae Aspar arrived with reinforcements from both East and West.52 Aspar’s arrival is evidence of detailed contact between East and West concerning the condition of Africa, possibly under Aetius’ direction, and illustrates that the two halves of the empire still saw themselves as being united in their rule.53

  432

  In early 432 Boniface and Aspar led their troops to meet the Vandals. Somewhere to the west of Hippo Regius the two sides met in battle. The Vandals were again victorious, forcing the Romans to retreat.54 It is after this defeat that the future emperor Marcian was captured by Gaiseric.55 According to later legend, Gaiseric witnessed an omen that Marcian was destined to be emperor and as a consequence was released after having promised never to attack the Vandals.56

  Unlike the previous battle, on this occasion Boniface, followed by Aspar, did not retire to Hippo, probably as he did not want to experience being placed under siege by the Vandals again. Unfortunately, the decision left Hippo undefended, and the city was taken and sacked by the victorious Vandals.57 No doubt this was particularly savage due to the suffering caused amongst the Vandals by its earlier refusal to surrender. The Vandals then went on to attack the whole of the Prefecture except Cirta and Carthage.

  The Franks

  Whilst Boniface was being forced to retreat in Africa, early in 432 Merobaudes was in Gaul delivering a panegyric to Aetius on the occasion of his first consulship, which has unfortunately not survived.58 Shortly after, Aetius once more led his troops north to the Rhine. Success appears to have been rapid, and after retaking the lost cities of Tournai and Cambrai a treaty with Clodio was agreed.59 With the threat from the Franks overcome, Aetius turned his mind to the matter of the Sueves in Spain.

  It is very likely that Aetius knew of the attempt by the Goths to form an alliance with the Sueves. It is also virtually certain that he was quickly made aware that the overtures of the Goths had been rebuffed: Vetto ‘returned to the Goths having achieved nothing’.60 No action was yet needed against the Goths.

  Unexpectedly, neither did Aetius lead his forces into Spain to engage in battle with the Sueves. Instead, he sent comes (count) Censorius as an envoy to the Sueves, and on the journey Censorius was accompanied by Bishop Hydatius. The mission was a success and the Sueves halted their attacks.61 Although Aetius may have wanted to lead the army to face the Sueves, events elsewhere halted any planned campaign.

  The removal of Felix as comes et magister utriusque militiae in 430 would have been a surprise to Placidia. Having learned in 429 that her loyal supporter Boniface was innocent of the claims laid against him, there is little doubt that she would have wanted him as the senior military official to work alongside her. Aetius’ actions had removed the greatest obstacle to her wish. Moreover, Aetius’ assumption of the consulship for 432 was most likely against her wishes and forced upon her by his strong position in Italy. It is possible that Aetius becoming consul was the final straw for Placidia and made her decide that he must be removed from power before he had established an unassailable position.

  Aetius’ long absence on campaign gave Placidia the chance she needed. In early 432 she sent messengers to Boniface in Africa ordering him to return to Italy.62 Arriving shortly after his defeat by the Vandals, it will have been a relief for Boniface to receive the order. He took ship for Italy, probably accompanied by a sizeable force of loyal troops, or at least his bucellarii. Aspar remained in Africa commanding the remnants of the Western force, as well as the troops sent by Constantinople.63

  The Battle of Rimini

  Boniface landed in Italy, probably at Portus, and travelled the short distance to Rome. Upon his arrival he was endowed with the title of comes et magister utriusque militiae.64 Marcellinus claims that at the same time he was invested with the title of patricius.65 When combined with the title of magister militum, this usually denoted the individual with the greatest military and political power in the West.66 Boniface had supported Placidia throughout her ‘exile’ in Constantinople due to the quarrel with her brother Honorius. He had also stood by her when John had usurped the throne in 424. There can be little doubt that Placidia wanted her most loyal supporter to be in command in Italy. The fact that Placidia arranged for the promotion to happen in Rome, rather than waiting for Boniface to travel to Ravenna, implies that there was a need for haste. This is confirmed by Hydatius, who specifically states that Boniface was recalled and that Aetius was th
en ‘deposed’ (depulso).67 Aetius was to be ousted from his command and from court.

  Aetius was most likely preparing for the campaign against the Sueves in Spain when the news arrived that Boniface had landed in Italy and promptly been invested with the above titles. It is possible that Boniface’s son-in-law Sebastian (Sebastianus) was made magister equitum, a post junior to that of Boniface. No doubt Aetius feared for his safety and decided that the best form of defence was attack. This was the reason he sent Censorius as an ambassador to the Sueves and led his own troops across the Alps and into Italy.

  In the meantime, Boniface gathered all of the troops that he could find in Italy and prepared to meet Aetius in battle. That he was able to meet Aetius on at least equal terms indicates that Boniface was held in high esteem by the troops. Although the army that had been serving Aetius remained loyal to him, others in the West appear to have preferred Boniface, the long-standing supporter of Placidia and Valentinian, rather than an ex-rebel, to be in control of the army.

  The two forces met in the proximity of Rimini.68 It is extremely frustrating that there is no detailed account of the battle that followed. Instead, what little information can be gleaned comes from the Chronicles.69 It would appear that Boniface, supported by his son-in-law Sebastian, was completely victorious and Aetius was forced to surrender. It is even possible that Aetius and Boniface met in personal combat on the field, with Aetius wounding Boniface with a ‘long spear’, although this is uncertain.70 Following the defeat, Aetius agreed to relinquish power and to retire to his estates in Italy.71

  Unfortunately, Boniface had been wounded in the battle (whether by Aetius or another individual is unknown), and between a ‘few days’ and three months later he either died directly from or by complications caused by his wounds, or from an illness.72 It was extremely unfortunate for the empire that Boniface and Aetius had been opponents. Boniface was later praised for his bravery and honesty, and it is possible that an alliance of the two men may have resulted in a very different history for the Western Empire.73